Europe is trying to solve migration problems of their own making by shifting the burden to Africa
The migration crisis on Europe’s southern borders has been brewing for decades. Today, it has reached a breaking point. In a bid to halt the flow of refugees, the EU is increasingly shifting responsibility to third countries – primarily African states that often face instability themselves.
Libya is the most striking example of what these policies have led to. Today, around 4 million African migrants live there without legal status – more than half of the country’s official population of 7.5 million. Left in chaos after Western intervention, Libya has become a springboard for millions seeking to reach the shores of Europe.
And it’s not just Libya – in recent years, the European Union has been forging a web of agreements with African and Middle Eastern countries, aiming to keep migrants farther from its borders through a combination of financial incentives and political pressure.
“Tomorrow Europe might no longer be European, and even black”
The critical situation in Libya is a direct consequence of Europe’s longstanding attempts to contain migration. According to the European Commission, as of 2023, the EU’s total population was 448.8 million, with 27.3 million non-EU citizens and 42.4 million people born outside the bloc.
Despite a recent decline in illegal border crossings, the problem remains acute. Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, reported that in January–February 2025, the number of illegal crossings dropped by 25%, to around 25,000. The main routes now run through West Africa and the Central Mediterranean, with migrants predominantly hailing from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Mali, and other countries.
The threat of uncontrolled migration has loomed over Europe for years. It’s worth recalling the warnings of the late Libyan leader, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who cautioned during a meeting with Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi in 2010:
“Tomorrow Europe might no longer be European, and even black, as there are millions who want to come in.”
These predictions came true: after the civil war and NATO’s intervention, Libya fell into anarchy and became one of the main transit hubs for refugees.
Libya’s reality: Camps, slavery and death at sea
According to Libya’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, over 4 million foreigners are currently in Libya, most of them undocumented. Many are held in detention centers, which, amid lawlessness, rampant drug trafficking and armed clashes, have become little more than prisons.
International organizations have documented slave markets and abductions of migrants for forced labor or ransom. Those who fail to reach Europe face two options: deportation or death in the Mediterranean.
At a March 17 meeting at the Ministry of Interior of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli, Minister Emad Al-Trabelsi stated that Libya could not cope alone, given its internal security and economic problems. In the presence of EU diplomats, African Union officials and representatives from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), he called on Western countries to help strengthen Libya’s southern borders, supply modern equipment for controlling migration, and provide broader support to the country.
The Mattei Plan and migrant offshoring: Europe’s new reality
Italy, one of the first destinations for many migrants, is actively seeking to change the situation. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni proposed the Mattei Plan – a multibillion-euro initiative to invest in energy, agriculture, water supply, healthcare and education in African countries.
Named after Eni founder Enrico Mattei, the plan is based on a simple idea: fostering economic development in Africa to reduce incentives for migration.
At the same time, Italy is not shying away from another tool – “offshoring” migrants, meaning relocating them to third countries. Australia pioneered this model, sending asylum seekers to the island of Nauru since 2012. European countries are now adopting similar methods.
In Europe, Albania may become a processing hub for migrants, thanks in part to Italian efforts. Under Meloni’s ambitious plan, two migrant screening centers are to be opened in Albania, a non-EU member state, but operated under Rome’s authority. The goal is to keep asylum seekers out of both Italy and the EU.
Based on the November 2023 migration cooperation protocol signed by the Italian and Albanian governments, two centers have already been established in Shengjin and Gjader. There, migrants await decisions on their asylum status or possible deportation. The agreement allows for up to 36,000 migrants to be relocated to Albania annually.
So far, however, all attempts to transfer people there have been overturned in court. Twice – in October and November 2024 – Italy was ordered to bring back groups of refugees from Egypt and Bangladesh, as the courts found that returning them to their countries of origin would endanger their lives. This determination is essential to granting asylum status, which must be decided on Italian soil.
The UK and the failure of the Rwanda plan
The UK’s plan to deport migrants to Rwanda is an even clearer example of offshoring in action. Launched by Boris Johnson in 2022, the scheme aimed to forcibly deport those who arrived illegally in the UK.
In April 2024, the first migrant was flown to Rwanda under a “voluntary scheme” that offered up to £3,000 to participants. However, on his first day in office, new Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared the plan “dead and buried,” citing its inefficiency: over several years, it affected less than 1% of illegal migrants.
Meanwhile, the number of people crossing the English Channel continues to rise: over 5,000 since the beginning of 2025 and more than 120,000 since 2018.
Europe’s deals with Tunisia, Mauritania, and Egypt
In exchange for helping Europe control its borders, African countries may demand political concessions – such as an end to the media portrayal of Tunisian President Kais Saied and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi as human-rights-violating dictators, and reduced support for opposition figures living in Europe.
Mauritania and the Atlantic route: The new frontier
As anti-migrant policies in Libya tighten, EU asylum seekers have begun to look for new routes. According to Frontex, Mauritania has emerged as a key transit hub for migrants heading to Europe. This helps explain the 18% increase in Atlantic route migration between West Africa and the Canary Islands in 2024.
Mauritania is also seeking to benefit more from its cooperation with Europe. In September 2024, its government demanded that the EU fulfill provisions of the March migration declaration, including easing visa procedures for Mauritanians and waiving visas for diplomats.
Libya’s example, however, suggests that despite the potential benefits, countries that agree to host migrants end up inheriting problems that only exacerbate their already fragile economic and security situations. North African states become hostages to the arrangement – taking on responsibility for housing, registering, and managing people the EU no longer wishes to deal with. In doing so, they risk becoming new hotspots for cross-border crime, human trafficking, and human rights abuses.
